America’s Fentanyl Epidemic: The China Connection

Over the past few years, a new threat has emerged as a leading cause of death in the United States: fentanyl. Yet even as the drug wreaks havoc on Americans lives, preventing its flow into the United States is complicated, partially because of the supply’s overseas origins, which is often China. What is China’s role in the U.S. fentanyl crisis?

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Host
  • Gabrielle Sierra
    Director, Podcasting
Credits

Asher Ross - Supervising Producer

Markus Zakaria - Audio Producer and Sound Designer

Molly McAnany - Associate Podcast Producer

Episode Guests
  • Thomas J. Bollyky
    Bloomberg Chair in Global Health; Senior Fellow for International Economics, Law, and Development; and Director of the Global Health Program
  • Zongyuan Zoe Liu
    Maurice R. Greenberg Senior Fellow for China Studies
  • Shannon K. O'Neil
    Senior Vice President, Director of Studies, and Maurice R. Greenberg Chair

Show Notes

The prolonged opioid epidemic has become the worst drug crisis in U.S. history. Its modern era has been defined by fentanyl, a synthetic opioid that is cheap to make and deadly to consume, even in small doses.

 

China is the primary manufacturer of the ingredients to make fentanyl, which often go to Mexican cartels that smuggle most of the fentanyl that reaches the United States across the southern U.S. border. While China has made some efforts to restrict fentanyl production, more Americans died from drug overdoses in 2022 than ever before, and the majority of those overdoses involved fentanyl or a similar drug. Meanwhile, geopolitical competition between Washington and Beijing has continued to heat up, and experts are pessimistic that the two will be able to cooperate on curbing the flow of fentanyl. 

 

 

From CFR

 

David P. Fidler, “Fentanyl and Foreign Policy,” Think Global Health

 

Claire Klobucista and Alejandra Martinez, “Fentanyl and the U.S. Opioid Epidemic”

 

CFR.org Editors, "Mexico's Long War: Drugs, Crime, and the Cartels"

 

 

From Our Guests


Reporting on Fentanyl and the Opioid Crisis,” CFR Events

 

 

Read More

 

Vanda Felbab-Brown, “China’s Role in the Fentanyl Crisis,” Brookings

 

Sadie Gurman, “Biden Administration Indicts Chinese Firms Allegedly Tied to Fentanyl Distribution,” Wall Street Journal

 

Horrifying Numbers of Americans Will Not Make it to Old Age,” The Economist

 

Shannon K. O’Neil, “The Western Hemisphere Drug Policy Commission: Charting a New Path Forward” [PDF], U.S. Drug Policy in Latin America and the Caribbean, House Foreign Affairs Committee

 

 

Watch and Listen

 

China’s Role in the Smuggling of Synthetic Drugs and Precursors,” Brookings

 

Why the U.S. Is Pressuring China Amid a Crackdown on the Global Fentanyl Trade,” PBS News Weekend

Trade

Global trade tensions are boiling over and questions about the United States’ economic future are at the center of the debate. As trade experts question what comes next, it’s important to analyze how the United States got to this point. How have the current administration’s trade policies of today reshaped the global order of tomorrow?

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The United States has had a trade deficit, meaning we import more than we export, for the past fifty years. But recently the trade deficit has become a front-burner issue for President Donald Trump and a core reason for his administration’s sweeping tariff policy. When do trade deficits become a problem? Is the United States already at the tipping point?

Trade

With allies and adversaries alike impacted by new economic barriers and tariffs, the global map of U.S. trade relationships hangs in question. As the U.S. rethinks its commitments with its trading partners, allies may seek deals elsewhere, even with historic rivals. Can the president single-handedly tear up a trade deal, and what happens when deals that took decades to craft are suddenly up for renegotiation?

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China Strategy Initiative

At the Shangri-La dialogue in Singapore last week, U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth said that the United States would be expanding its defense partnership with India. His statement was in line with U.S. policy over the last two decades, which, irrespective of the party in power, has sought to cultivate India as a serious defense partner. The U.S.-India defense partnership has come a long way. Beginning in 2001, the United States and India moved from little defense cooperation or coordination to significant gestures that would lay the foundation of the robust defense partnership that exists today—such as India offering access to its facilities after 9/11 to help the United States launch operations in Afghanistan or the 123 Agreement in 2005 that paved the way for civil nuclear cooperation between the two countries. In the United States, there is bipartisan agreement that a strong defense partnership with India is vital for its Indo-Pacific strategy and containing China. In India, too, there is broad political support for its strategic partnership with the United States given its immense wariness about its fractious border relationship with China. Consequently, the U.S.-India bilateral relationship has heavily emphasized security, with even trade tilting toward defense goods. Despite the massive changes to the relationship in the last few years, and both countries’ desire to develop ever-closer defense ties, differences between the United States and India remain. A significant part of this has to do with the differing norms that underpin the defense interests of each country. The following Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) memos by defense experts in three countries are part of a larger CFR project assessing India’s approach to the international order in different areas, and illustrate India’s positions on important defense issues—military operationalization, cooperation in space, and export controls—and how they differ with respect to the United States and its allies. Sameer Lalwani (Washington, DC) argues that the two countries differ in their thinking about deterrence, and that this is evident in three categories crucial to defense: capability, geography, and interoperability. When it comes to increasing material capabilities, for example, India prioritizes domestic economic development, including developing indigenous capabilities (i.e., its domestic defense-industrial sector). With regard to geography, for example, the United States and its Western allies think of crises, such as Ukraine, in terms of global domino effects; India, in contrast, thinks regionally, and confines itself to the effects on its neighborhood and borders (and, as the recent crisis with Pakistan shows, India continues to face threats on its border, widening the geographic divergence with the United States). And India’s commitment to strategic autonomy means the two countries remain far apart on the kind of interoperability required by modern military operations. Yet there is also reason for optimism about the relationship as those differences are largely surmountable. Dimitrios Stroikos (London) argues that India’s space policy has shifted from prioritizing socioeconomic development to pursuing both national security and prestige. While it is party to all five UN space treaties that govern outer space and converges with the United States on many issues in the civil, commercial, and military domains of space, India is careful with regard to some norms. It favors, for example, bilateral initiatives over multilateral, and the inclusion of Global South countries in institutions that it believes to be dominated by the West. Konark Bhandari (New Delhi) argues that India’s stance on export controls is evolving. It has signed three of the four major international export control regimes, but it has to consistently contend with the cost of complying, particularly as the United States is increasingly and unilaterally imposing export control measures both inside and outside of those regimes. When it comes to export controls, India prefers trade agreements with select nations, prizes its strategic autonomy (which includes relations with Russia and China through institutions such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the BRICS), and prioritizes its domestic development. Furthermore, given President Donald Trump’s focus on bilateral trade, the two countries’ differences will need to be worked out if future tech cooperation is to be realized.